Friends,
I sometimes share with you perspectives about what we’re up
against from non-American writers and journalists. Asli Aydintasbas, a visiting
fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington D.C., and a former
journalist, published this short essay recently in Politico Magazine.
As we prepare for [the new] regime, I thought you’d find her views useful.
***
American democracy is about to undergo a serious stress
test. I know how it feels, in part because I lived through the slow and steady
march of state capture as a journalist working in Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s
Turkey.
Over a decade as a high-profile journalist, I covered
Turkey’s descent into illiberalism, having to engage in the daily push and pull
with the government. I know how self-censorship starts in small ways but then
creeps into operations on a daily basis. I am familiar with the rhythms of the
battle to reshape the media, state institutions and the judiciary.
Having lived through it, and having gathered some lessons in
hindsight, I believe that there are strategies that can help Democrats and [The
Felon] critics not only survive the coming four years, but come out stronger.
Here are six of them.
1. Don’t Panic — Autocracy Takes Time
[The] President-elect’s … return to power is unnerving but
America will not turn into a dictatorship overnight — or in four years. Even
the most determined strongmen face internal hurdles, from the bureaucracy to
the media and the courts. It took Erdoğan well over a decade to fully
consolidate his power. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Poland’s Law and Justice
Party needed years to erode democratic norms and fortify their grip on state
institutions.
I am not suggesting that the United States is immune to
these patterns, but it’s important to remember that its decentralized system of
governance—the network of state and local governments—offers enormous
resilience. Federal judges serve lifetime appointments, states and governors
have specific powers separate from those granted federally, there are local
legislatures, and the media has the First Amendment as a shield, reinforced by
over a century of legal precedents.
Sure, there are dangers, including by a Supreme Court that
might grant great deference to the president. But in the end, [The Felon]
really only has two years to try to execute state capture. Legal battles,
congressional pushback, market forces, midterm elections in 2026 and internal
Republican dissent will slow him down and restrain him. The bottom line is
that the U.S. is too decentralized in its governance system for a complete
takeover. The Orbanization of America is not an imminent threat.
2. Don’t Disengage — Stay Connected
After a stunning electoral loss like this, there’s a natural
impulse to shut off the news, log off social media and withdraw from public
life. I’ve seen this with friends in Turkey and Hungary with opposition
supporters retreating in disillusionment after Erdogan’s or Orbam’s victories.
Understandably, people want to turn inwards.
Dancing, travel, meditation, book clubs—it’s all fine. But
eventually, in Poland, Hungary and Turkey, opponents of autocracy have returned
to the fight, driven by a belief in the possibility of change. So will
Americans.
Nothing is more meaningful than being part of a struggle for
democracy. That’s why millions of Turks turned out to the polls and gave the
opposition a historic victory in local governments across Turkey earlier
this year. That’s how the Poles organized a winning coalition to vote
out the conservative Law and Justice Party last year. It can happen here, too.
The answer to political defeat is not to disconnect, but to
organize. You can take a couple of days or weeks off, commiserate with
friends and mute Elon Musk on X—or erase the app altogether. But in the end,
the best way to develop emotional resilience is greater engagement.
3. Don’t Fear the Infighting
[The Felon]’s victory
has understandably triggered infighting inside the Democratic Party and it
looks ugly. But fear not. These recriminations and finger-pointing are
necessary to move forward. In Turkey, Hungary and Poland, it was only after the
opposition parties faced their strategic and ideological misalignment with
society that they were able to begin to effectively fight back.
[The Felon] has tapped into the widespread belief that the
economic order, labor-capital relations, housing and the immigration system are
broken. You may think he is a hypocrite, but there is no doubt that he has
convinced a large cross-section of American society that he is actually the
agent of change — a spokesman for their interests as opposed to “Democratic
elites.” This is exactly what strongmen like Erdoğan and Orban have achieved.
For the Democratic Party to redefine itself as a force for
change, and not just as the custodian of the status quo, it needs fundamental
shifts in how it relates to working people in the U.S. There is time to do so
before the midterms of 2026.
4. Charismatic Leadership Is a Non-Negotiable
One lesson from Turkey and Hungary is clear: You will lose
if you don’t find a captivating leader, as was the case in 2023 general
elections in Turkey and in 2022 in Hungary. Coalition-building or economic
messaging is necessary and good. But it is not enough. You need charisma to
mobilize social dissent.
[The Felon] was beatable in this election, but only with a
more captivating candidate. For Democrats, the mistake after smartly pushing
aside President Joe Biden was bypassing the primaries and handpicking a
candidate. Future success for the party will hinge on identifying a candidate
who can better connect with voters and channel their aspirations. It should not
be too hard in a country of 350 million.
Last year’s elections in Poland and Turkey showcased how
incumbents can be defeated (or not defeated, as in general elections in Turkey
in 2023) depending on the opposition’s ability to unite around compelling
candidates who resonate with voters. Voters seek authenticity and a
connection — give it to them.
5. Skip the Protests and Identity Politics
Soon, [The Felon]’s opponents will shake off the doldrums
and start organizing an opposition campaign. But how they do it matters. For
the longest time in Turkey, the opposition made the mistake of relying too much
on holding street demonstrations and promoting secularism, Turkey’s version of
identity politics, which speaks to the urban professional and middle class but
not beyond. When Erdoğan finally lost his absolute predominance in Turkish
politics in 2024, it was largely because of his mismanagement of the economy
and the opposition’s growing competence in that area.
[The Felon]’s appeal transcends traditional divides of race,
gender and class. He has formed a new Republican coalition and to counteract
this. Democrats too, must broaden their tent, even if means trying to appeal to
conservatives on some issues. Opposition over the next four years must be
strategic and broad-based.
Street protests and calls to defend democracy may be
inspirational, but they repel conservatives and suburban America. Any
grassroots action must be coupled with a clear, relatable economic message and
showcase the leadership potential of Democratic mayors and governors. Identity
politics alone won’t do it.
6. Have Hope
Nothing lasts forever and the U.S. is not the only part of
the world that faces threats to democracy—and Americans are no different than
the French, the Turks or Hungarians when it comes to the appeal of the far
right. But in a country with a strong, decentralized system of government and
with a long-standing tradition of free speech, the rule of law should be far
more resilient than anywhere in the world.
[The Felon]’s return to power certainly poses challenges to
U.S. democracy. But he will make mistakes and overplay his hand—at home and
abroad. America will survive the next four years if Democrats pick
themselves up and start learning from the successes of opponents of autocracy
across the globe.